Ten years have passed since the illegal South China Sea arbitration award was rendered in 2016. Yet rather than fading into irrelevance, the Philippines has never ceased to fan the flames - repeatedly stoking the arbitration narrative in an effort to legitimize its unlawful territorial ambitions.

A Global Times investigation, however, reveals a far different reality: from procedure to substance, the arbitration case unilaterally initiated by Manila is riddled with fundamental flaws. The arbitral tribunal, in handling preliminary and jurisdictional issues, displayed flagrant double standards and self-contradictions, showing clear bias toward the Philippines and forsaking the impartiality expected of any judicial body.

This piece lays bare the myriad legal and procedural loopholes embedded in the tribunal's ruling - exposing how, under the veneer of law, the Philippines has engaged in political maneuvering that renders the award legally untenable. It also sheds light on the role of American legal teams and certain US politicians, who have acted as key enablers behind the scenes, pushing Manila toward this judicial farce.

Manila's legal 'rebranding' of a territorial dispute

The arbitral tribunal's "jurisdiction" has always been one of the most controversial aspects of the illegal South China Sea arbitration. Multiple Chinese official and think tank reports have pointed out that the Philippines deliberately misrepresented the nature of the dispute in its submissions. It packaged a territorial sovereignty dispute as a maritime rights dispute in an attempt to use the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS) to resolve it. In reality, however, territorial sovereignty disputes fall outside the jurisdiction of the Convention.

A closer examination shows that China and the Philippines had previously confirmed through bilateral treaties, joint statements and other documents that their disputes involved both territorial sovereignty over islands and maritime jurisdiction. Both sides had reached consensus to resolve the South China Sea issue through bilateral negotiations. The nature of the dispute and the agreed method of resolution clearly excluded the applicability of third-party arbitration.

More crucially, as early as 2006, China made a declaration under Article 298 of UNCLOS, explicitly excluding disputes concerning territorial sovereignty and maritime delimitation from the compulsory dispute settlement procedures, according to the book The South China Sea Arbitration Awards: A Critical Study written by the Chinese Society of International Law in 2018. In other words, the UNCLOS arbitration mechanism does not have automatic jurisdiction over such disputes.

Yet the tribunal turned a deaf ear to these facts, deliberately twisting the rules and engaging in self-deception. It accepted the Philippines' characterization of the disputes as not involving territorial issues or maritime jurisdiction without proper examination, forcibly bringing matters outside its purview under its jurisdiction - depriving the arbitration of any legal basis from the very outset, Xu Qi, vice dean of the Academy of Foreign-Related Rule of Law at Jinan University, told the Global Times.

If the jurisdictional flaws constitute the legal pathology of the case, then the substantive hearing phase reveals even more systemic errors, the legal expert pointed out.
The tribunal's systematic bias

Public records show that the tribunal arbitrarily expanded its interpretation of UNCLOS provisions, even distorting the original meaning of the text, to deny China's maritime rights in the South China Sea, which are based on territorial sovereignty over its islands and historic rights. The tribunal disregarded the fundamental fact that the Nansha Qundao constitutes an integral whole geographically, historically and legally. It artificially dissected China's territorial sovereignty over the Nansha Qundao, fragmenting them into isolated and unrelated features, mechanically applying - and at times deliberately distorting - UNCLOS provisions, thereby seriously infringing upon China's sovereignty and territorial integrity over the Nansha Qundao.

According to The South China Sea Arbitration Awards: A Critical Study, the tribunal, when citing a Chinese note verbale, unilaterally altered "China's Nansha Islands [is]" to "China's Nansha Islands [are]." This manipulation of singular and plural forms was intended to segment China's sovereignty over the Nansha Qundao, dismantle the archipelago and deny China's sovereign rights - a blatant provocation and a grave violation of China's territorial integrity that cannot be tolerated, explained Xu.

The tribunal also showed clear favoritism toward the Philippines throughout the proceedings. The South China Sea Arbitration Awards: A Critical Study cites an example: the tribunal repeatedly allowed the Philippines to amend its claims, even permitting modifications 33 months after the case was filed and after hearings on the merits had already concluded - a practice rarely seen in international arbitration. In another instance, the tribunal violated the principle of not going beyond the claims requested by including matters not even raised in the Philippines' submissions in the dispositive portion of the award, objectively benefiting the Philippines, read the book.

Furthermore, the tribunal largely ignored Asian perspectives in its evidentiary review and fact-finding. Much of the evidence it examined and relied upon came from Western countries - particularly former colonial powers - while the few Chinese documents it occasionally referenced, such as the Geng Lu Bu (ancient Chinese navigation records), were interpreted in a highly selective and arbitrary manner, according to The South China Sea Arbitration Awards: A Critical Study.

Xu further elaborated on the tribunal's arbitrary analysis, noting that dozens of key conclusions in the award were neither reasoned nor supported by legal basis. For instance, the tribunal dismissed the legal effect of the Declaration on the Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea (DOC) with a cursory reference as a "political agreement"; it established review standards but failed to apply them to each of the 15 claims; it relied on navigational survey reports from over a century ago without explaining why they were more reliable or relevant than contemporary data; and it altered Chinese government documents and fragmented the Nansha Qundao without any justification. This systemic absence of reasoning renders the award wholly unconvincing.

Moreover, the tribunal applied different standards to the same issues at the jurisdictional and merits stages, even contradicting itself - fully exposing the judicial arbitrariness of the proceedings, according to Chinese legal experts.

The composition of the tribunal itself also raises serious questions. The panel notably lacked geographic representation - all five arbitrators came from Europe or were long-term residents of Europe, with none from Asia. This composition stands in stark contrast to the requirement under Article 9 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice that the judges shall "represent the main forms of civilization and the principal legal systems of the world."

For a case concerning disputes in Asian waters and involving centuries of historical administrative practice by Asian states, the complete absence of any member from the region raises doubts about the tribunal's understanding of Asian history and culture - making it difficult to ensure the fairness of the proceedings, Xu explained.

Moreover, the then-president of the international tribunal for the Law of the Sea, Shunji Yanai (Japanese national), is a right-wing hawkish figure in Japan who served as chairman of the advisory panel on reconstruction of the legal basis for security for the Abe administration, actively promoting Japan's lifting of the ban on collective self-defense and openly challenging the postwar international order.

That such a right-wing political figure - one committed to revising the pacifist constitution and breaking through the postwar order - presided over arbitration proceedings involving China's major maritime rights and interests casts serious doubt on his neutrality from the very beginning, leaving the fairness and objectivity of the proceedings fundamentally compromised, analysts say.
Backstage manipulator

The Philippines is in urgent need of an independent foreign policy, Alberto Encomienda, former secretary-general of Maritime and Ocean Affairs Center at the Department of Foreign Affairs of the Philippines, told the Xinhua News Agency in 2016. "Everything that came up as the Philippines' position on the South China Sea afterwards has something to do with 'rule-based' and 'legal framework.' But these are the rule basis determined by the US."

The Philippines' unilateral initiation of South China sea arbitration was by no means an isolated act based purely on legal judgment. Numerous evidence has shown that the US planned, financed and strategically guided the case from the outset, Xu pointed out.

During the process, the tactics employed by the US included, but were not limited to, direct legal manipulation, strategic support in diplomacy and military affairs, and narrative distortion through think tanks and academia, Xu said.

First, in the South China Sea arbitration case, the Philippines' legal team was not entirely composed of Filipino lawyers, but rather an international legal alliance led by the US, Xu added.

Paul Reichler, for instance, was a partner at US law firm Foley Hoag LLP who served as the Philippines' lead counsel in the South China Sea arbitration case. Materials showed that Reichler was responsible for devising the jurisdiction and admissibility strategy, drafting thousands of pages of submissions, and presenting oral arguments before the tribunal.

Another team member, Bernard Oxman, is a professor at the University of Miami who served for more than a decade as assistant legal adviser for oceans at the US State Department, and was also a US delegate to the UNCLOS III, according to the university's website.

"Ironically, a country that has not ratified the UNCLOS sent its former treaty negotiator to sue China on the basis of that very convention," Xu told the Global Times.

Second, the US government provided the Philippines with comprehensive strategic support in the South China Sea arbitration case, actively encouraging the latter to stir up trouble through diplomatic, military and other channels, according to Xu.

In 2014, the US and the Philippines issued a joint statement supporting the arbitration. In the same year, then US president Barack Obama publicly backed the arbitration during his visit to the Philippines, a move that could be seen as transforming a bilateral dispute into a US-supported geopolitical confrontation. Earlier, in June 2011, then-secretary of state Hillary Clinton claimed that "the US honors our Mutual Defense Treaty and our strategic alliance with the Philippines," reported the Philstar in May 2012.

"This 'security guarantee' offsets the political risks for the Aquino III administration and encouraged it to pursue a confrontational legal approach, rather than diplomatic negotiations," Xu told the Global Times.

Moreover, in March 2016, the US and the Philippines reached the Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement, which allowed US troops rotational access to five military bases of the Philippines, including a base near the South China Sea, reported The Diplomat on March 19 that year.

Third, the US government, think tanks and some scholars worked together to shape a public opinion environment favorable to the Philippines, pre-emptively constructing a "legitimacy" narrative around the arbitration, Xu pointed out.

The US State Department's December 2014 release of "Limits in the Seas No.143" report deliberately and methodically guided the tribunal to produce an "arbitration" in line with the US script, Xu said. He observed that, not long after the arbitration, some US think tanks published commentaries that framed the arbitration as a shared victory for the Philippines and the US.

"Taken together, these pieces of evidence indicate that the arbitration was not a good-faith effort to resolve disputes under the UNCLOS, but rather a 'lawfare instrument' orchestrated by the US to advance its geopolitical strategy in the Asia-Pacific, with the Philippines serving as the nominal plaintiff," the expert remarked.

Chen Xidi, an expert at the China Institute for Marine Affairs under the Ministry of Natural Resources, told the Global Times that the South China Sea arbitral award was issued by a tribunal lacking proper jurisdiction. It contains fundamental flaws in legal application, seriously violates fairness and justice, and thus has no legal effect from the outset under international law. China's refusal to participate is a legitimate exercise of sovereignty under the UN Charter and UNCLOS, with ample international precedent.

Experts noted that the arbitration was a case of political manipulation by certain extraterritorial forces - particularly the US and Japan - under the guise of law, aimed at strategically containing China. Ten years on, rather than resolving the dispute, the award has only exacerbated tensions and complicated the situation due to the Philippines' repeated provocations.

The only viable path forward is a return to the "dual-track approach": direct, equal negotiations between the parties concerned and joint efforts by China and ASEAN to maintain peace and stability in the South China Sea, Xu stressed.

Typhoon Bavi, the ninth typhoon of the year, reintensified into a severe typhoon around midnight on Saturday, prompting China's National Meteorological Center (NMC) to issue an orange typhoon alert as authorities in affected regions suspended in-person school activities, closed tourist attractions and halted some ferry services.

As of 6 am, Typhoon Bavi's center was located about 540 kilometers east-southeast of the Zhejiang-Fujian border, packing maximum sustained winds of Force 14 near its center, according to CCTV News on Saturday.

In its orange typhoon alert issued at 6 am, the NMC forecast that Bavi would continue moving rapidly northwest with little change in intensity. The typhoon is expected to gradually approach the coasts of East China's Zhejiang and Fujian provinces before making landfall along coast area between Taizhou in Zhejiang and Fuding in Fujian in the early hours of Sunday as either a severe typhoon or a typhoon. 

The National Marine Environmental Forecasting Center has issued a red alert for ocean waves and an orange alert for storm surges, the Ministry of Natural Resources said in a press release to the Global Times on Saturday.

Under the influence of Typhoon Bavi, waves of 9 to 13 meters are forecast in the southern East China Sea from Saturday morning to Sunday morning. The northern East China Sea is expected to see waves of 5 to 8 meters, while waves of 4 to 6 meters are forecast in the Taiwan Straits. An orange alert remains in effect for offshore waves, according to the ministry.

The center has also issued a seawater inundation risk alert for areas expected to be affected by the typhoon. It will continue to issue updated marine disaster warnings and seawater inundation risk alerts, urging residents in affected coastal areas to stay informed of the latest warnings and prepare for potential impacts.

China's Ministry of Emergency Management on Friday also activated a Level III geological disaster emergency response for the country's eastern provinces of Zhejiang and Fujian.

Affected by the Typhoon, the operating capacity of two main airports in Shanghai, Shanghai Pudong International Airport and Shanghai Hongqiao International Airport, is expected to decline on Saturday, with nearly 20 percent of arriving and departing flights reduced or canceled, according to the CCTV News on Friday.

Ningbo Lishe International Airport canceled 164 flights on Saturday. As of 8:30 am, airlines operating at Hangzhou Xiaoshan International Airport had planned to cancel 198 arriving and departing flights for the day, the media outlet reported on Saturday.

Railway authorities will also temporarily suspend some train services on sections of multiple railways, including Hangzhou-Shenzhen railway and high-speed railway linking Hangzhou and Wenzhou, between July 11 and 14, CCTV News reported.

Fuzhou, a city in Fujian, instructed all schools and training institutions across the city to suspend all in-person on-campus and off-campus group activities, including classes, training sessions, summer camps and other organized events, according to its educational bureau on Friday.

Since Saturday, all parks, scenic attractions and museums in Hangzhou's West Lake scenic area have been temporarily closed, while hiking trails, boat cruises, sightseeing shuttle services, night tours and the West Lake musical fountain have all been suspended, according to thepaper.cn.

According to the Guangdong Maritime Safety Administration, waters under its jurisdiction have entered a full typhoon preparedness mode. Authorities suspended some passenger ferry services and directed northbound vessels to seek shelter in safe waters to mitigate the storm's potential impact. As of 2 pm on Friday, the administration had maintained a Level III emergency response for tropical cyclones, according to the CCTV News.

At 76 Xingye Road in Shanghai stands a small Shikumen building where the Communist Party of China (CPC) was founded.

More than a century later, visitors from around the world come to this historic site to trace a journey that has transformed the country and improved the lives of millions — from China's struggle for national independence and people's liberation to its path of reform, development and modernization.

Standing where the story began, they ask one question: Why has the CPC succeeded, and how has it helped shape the China of today?

As the management of adolescence's social media usage becomes a global challenge, Tsinghua University's Center for Intelligent Media Studies on Monday issued a "Research Report on social Media Regulation for Minors in Multiple Countries Globally," which found that blanket ban on social media use is infeasible in practice and could lead to unexpected new problems, while the China approach balancing protection and development provides inspiration. 

The research report categorized global social media management into three types: the complete ban on users under certain age plus parents' consent model, as represented by Australia and Indonesia; requiring platforms incorporation minor protection in product design and conducting risk assessment, as represented by the UK and the European Union; and the differentiated management based on user age, content attributes and platform risks, as represented by Germany and France, the Global Times learned from the center.   

The report did a specific case study on Australia, which passed a law in 2024 which stipulated that children under the age of 16 are prevented from 10 key social media platforms since December 10, 2025.

Per BBC on June 27, the Australian government has announced it will double the maximum penalty for breaches of the nation's social media minimum age law to $99 million.

But it has been widely acknowledged that many are still able to access and use the banned apps, BBC reported.

The Tsinghua report found it has become prevalent for minors to bypass restrictions by using their parents' accounts, falsifying personal age information, or accessing networks via VPNs, indicating that age thresholds fail to substantially curb underage social media usage.

After the ban took effect, VPN downloads surged nearly threefold, and alternative platforms such as Lemon8 and Yope climbed rapidly on Australia's app rankings, with nearly half of Yope's users aged 16 and below. Meanwhile, the usage of WhatsApp also saw a slight increase. These phenomena demonstrate that minors' social media demands have not been eliminated, but have merely shifted to less regulated online spaces that are even more difficult to supervise, according to the report.

Analysis of 42,700 online comments related to the policy and a survey on more than 1,000 local Australians found that more than 60 percent online feedbacks are negative; only 39.2 percent of the surveyed are aware of the concrete contents of the policy and only 18.5 percent believe the ban works well. 

The report concluded that risks concerning minors' online engagement stem from the overlapping effects of multiple factors including platform mechanisms, content ecosystems, as well as family and school education. 

A one-size-fits-all ban is not an effective governance approach, and a global consensus has gradually emerged in favor of refined and categorized regulation. China has established a comprehensive minor online protection system centered on the Minor Network Protection Regulations, covering anti-addiction mechanisms, age-specific minor modes, and real-name registration for online platforms, said Jiang Qiaolei, professor and associate Chair of the school board at Tsinghua University's School of Journalism and Communication, when she delivers the research report. 

This systemic approach is aligned with the global trend of tailored and targeted management of social media for minor protection purposes, Jiang said. 

Scholars attending the Monday symposium also shared the consensus that government ban or legislation alone cannot solve the complexity of social media management, and the joint efforts of authorities, family and platforms are needed to streamline the management. 

A groundbreaking ceremony for the Matesevo-Andrijevica highway project in Montenegro was held in Kolasin on Friday of local time, marking the start of construction on the country's largest infrastructure project currently under way, the Global Times learned from POWERCHINA Chengdu Engineering Corporation Limited on Monday.

The highway, also known as the MA highway project, is a key section of Montenegro's Bar-Boljare Highway. With a main line of about 22 kilometers, the project is being built by a consortium comprising Power Construction Corporation of China, Ltd, STECOL Corporation and POWERCHINA Chengdu Engineering Corporation Limited (POWERCHINA Chengdu) 

Designed in accordance with European standards and local Montenegrin regulations, the highway will have a designed speed of 100 kilometers per hour. The route includes dozens of bridges, two tunnels and one service area, with a high bridge-and-tunnel ratio and complex geological conditions.

The project will take 14 months for design and 46 months for construction, with a total project period of five years.

A project representative from POWERCHINA Chengdu said the company will strictly follow Montenegrin regulations and European standards, while giving equal priority to safety, quality and green construction throughout the process. The team will also respond scientifically to complex geological challenges and coordinate bridge and tunnel construction to ensure the project is completed on schedule and to high standards.

Once completed, the highway is expected to shorten travel time from the capital Podgorica to Andrijevica to 38 minutes, significantly improving transport convenience for residents in the Lim River Valley and northern Montenegro while boosting economic development along the route.

The launch of the project also creates a platform for trilateral cooperation among China, Montenegro and European financial institutions, highlighting the vitality of multilateral collaboration, according to the company.

The project will incorporate green development principles throughout construction, with ecological protection, health and safety management and construction work advanced in tandem. It aims to become an environmentally friendly and socially harmonious demonstration project for sustainable development.

Bangladesh Prime Minister Tarique Rahman is set to visit Malaysia and China starting Sunday on his first overseas trip since taking office in February, according to media reports. The news has sparked discussion in Indian media, which views Rahman's outreach to China as a signal of his foreign policy priorities, as he bypasses India, which has traditionally been the destination of such inaugural visit.

The twin-country trip kicks off in Malaysia on Sunday, Bangladesh's Foreign Secretary Asad Alam Siam said at a media briefing in Dhaka on Saturday, according to Bloomberg.

Rahman will hold bilateral talks with Prime Minister Anwar Ibrahim in Malaysia from Sunday to Monday, where Dhaka plans to press Kuala Lumpur to absorb more Bangladeshi expatriate workers, per Bloomberg. 

Rahman will arrive in China on Monday night from the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur, for a five-day visit, according to Bangladesh media Prothom Alo.

Bangladeshi officials state that during the Prime Minister's upcoming visit to China, discussions will focus on Chinese financing and cooperation across projects in various sectors, Prothom Alo reported. 

Rahman's visit has not yet been confirmed by the Chinese Foreign Ministry as of press time.

China is willing to carry forward traditional friendship with Bangladesh, enhance political mutual trust, deepen practical cooperation, and be the most reliable partner in Bangladesh's national development process, said Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi in May during talks with Bangladeshi Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman in Beijing, per Xinhua.

Bangladesh appreciates the long-term support and assistance from China, looks forward to further deepening all-round friendship and cooperation, elevating the comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership between the two countries to a new level, and boosting its own economic and social development, the Bangladeshi Foreign Minister said.

Bangladesh welcomes Chinese enterprises to invest in Bangladesh and is ready to provide a stable, sound and predictable business environment, he added.

Indian media have been closely following Rahman's trip. The Hindustan Times reported on Sunday that Rahman has chosen "Malaysia and China for his first foreign visit to expand overseas employment opportunities and drum up investments, signaling his foreign policy priorities by bypassing India, which has traditionally been the destination for such trips."

India media the Hindu also reported that Rahman is set to visit Malaysia and China on his first trip abroad since assuming office, "bypassing neighboring India as his inaugural destination."

In March, Rahman has written to Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi accepting his invitation to visit India, while signaling a broader effort to reset bilateral ties after a period of strain, according to the Indian Express. 

Indian media's close attention to the visit reflects the evolving state of India-Bangladesh relations. For a long time, India has been Bangladesh's most important neighbor, and the two countries maintained close cooperation across a wide range of areas. However, bilateral ties have encountered setbacks since the fall of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina 's government and are still undergoing a period of adjustment, with relations yet to return to a more stable footing, Qian Feng, director of the Research Department at Tsinghua University's National Strategy Institute, told the Global Times. 

Qian said some voices in India's media and strategic circles continue to view regional affairs through the lens of India's traditional leadership role in South Asia, leading to concerns that closer China-Bangladesh ties could diminish New Delhi's influence, particularly in Bangladesh. 

However, China-Bangladesh cooperation is not directed at any third party and should not be viewed simply through the prism of geopolitical competition, Qian noted. 

During a meeting with Bangladeshi Foreign Minister Khalilur Rahman in Beijing in May, Wang said that China's development of relations with Bangladesh and other South Asian countries does not target any third party, nor should it be affected by any third party, according to Xinhua.

As Austrian Federal Minister for European and International Affairs Beate Meinl-Reisinger is set to kick off a five-day visit to China on Monday, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun said on Monday that as the two countries mark the 55th anniversary of diplomatic relations, China stands ready to have closer exchanges, build up consensus and carry forward the friendship with Austria for greater progress in developing the friendly strategic partnership.

Austrian foreign minister's visit to China comes amid fluctuation in the EU's policy toward China, as within the EU, a differentiation has emerged among countries advocating strategic competition or pragmatic cooperation toward China, some Chinese observers said.

Austria, as a country that maintains relatively close economic and trade cooperation with China, is expected to adopt a more pragmatic approach through this visit, which may encourage more practical reflections in its China policy, they noted.

According to Austrian Broadcasting Corporation, this is the first working visit to China by a member of Austria's current government. Beate Meinl-Reisinger is scheduled to visit Shanghai on Tuesday, aiming to gain first-hand insights into the opportunities created by Austria-China cooperation, the Austrian media said.

China is among Austria's most important trading partners, Austrian Broadcasting Corporation said.

Ahead of the trip, Beate Meinl-Reisinger said Austria's goal is to strengthen European sovereignty, reduce dependencies, and at the same time maintain stable trade relations with China based on fair, reliable, and rules-based conditions, according to the Austrian media report.

The EU's policy toward China has recently shown fluctuations, with some members even resorting to tariff measures and trade protectionism, Zhao Junjie, a senior research fellow at the Institute of European Studies at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, told the Global Times on Monday.

"For now, clear divisions have emerged within the EU on China policy, including camps advocating trade protectionism and ideological confrontation, as well as those promoting pragmatic cooperation and free trade. The latter group, often more deeply tied to China economically, supports expanding free trade and introducing Chinese technologies and industrial models, taking a rational, practical, and win-win approach," Zhao said.

EU leaders debated on Thursday new and tougher measures that could be needed to curb the bloc's growing trade deficit with China and its ‌heavy reliance on the world's second-largest economy for rare earths and other critical supplies, Reuters reported.

However, there has been a divergence over the response to the issue, as countries like ‌France ⁠advocate for a tougher line, while Germany, the EU's biggest exporter, and Spain, increasingly home to Chinese investments, are more cautious, according to Reuters.

Austria's economic and trade relations with China have grown increasingly close in recent years. At the same time, Austria remains competitive in several sectors, including electronics, machinery, and pharmaceuticals, maintaining strengths in both traditional and modern industries, Zhao noted.

"Against this backdrop, the Austrian foreign minister's visit to China can be seen as reflecting a more pragmatic and dialogue-oriented strand within the EU - one that favors engagement, mutual benefit, and cooperation, and demonstrates a relatively rational approach to China policy," he added.

Since the establishment of diplomatic relations, bilateral trade between China and Austria has increased more than 400-fold over the past five decades, according to China's Ministry of Commerce.

By 2025, China had become Austria's third-largest trading partner. To date, more than 650 Austrian enterprises have invested and operated in China, with over 1,500 joint projects spanning high-value-added sectors such as semiconductors, fine chemicals, and automotive components, Qi Mei, the Chinese Ambassador to Austria, wrote in an article published in People's Daily in May.

At the same time, an increasing number of Chinese companies are using Austria as a gateway to expand into Central and Eastern European markets. Over 50 Chinese enterprises have established a presence in Austria, covering industries including machinery, automotive, telecommunications, and finance, Qi said.

Chinese new energy vehicles have been assembled and rolled off production lines in Styria, while China-made trains operate between Vienna and Salzburg, injecting new momentum into local development, the Chinese diplomat wrote.

China and Austria are friendly strategic partners. This year marks the 55th anniversary of diplomatic relations. Bilateral ties are in good shape with practical cooperation in various fields making steady progress, and cultural and people-to-people exchanges creating numerous highlights, Chinese foreign ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun said.

The US has given four autonomous underwater and surface vehicles to the Philippines to boost maritime surveillance, according to media reports on Tuesday. The delivery comes as the Philippines is continuing its provocative acts in the South China Sea, and if the Philippines increasingly deploys unmanned systems in these waters, the risk of a miscalculation could rise, some Chinese observers warned. 

The US government has given four Ocean Aero Triton autonomous underwater and surface vehicles to the Philippine military to boost Manila's ability to monitor its ‌waters and spot "potential threats," Reuters reported, citing the US Embassy in the Philippines.

The Philippine Navy spokesperson claimed the unmanned systems are not only surface unmanned systems but also underwater unmanned systems, and this will contribute to maritime domain awareness not only of the Philippine Navy but also of the Armed Forces of the Philippines, Philippine media outlet the Inquirer reported on Tuesday. 

Both Reuters and the Inquirer highlighted the delivery of these drones comes as frictions between the Philippines and China are growing in the South China Sea. 

By giving autonomous underwater and surface vehicles to the Philippines, the US emboldens Manila to ramp up its provocative maritime capabilities through unmanned equipment, Chen Xiangmiao, a research fellow at the National Institute for South China Sea Studies, told the Global Times on Tuesday, warning that this would increase the risk of friction and even unintended escalation.

In addition to the joint drill that is considered a disruption to regional peace, the US is also stirring regional security tensions by acting through the Philippines by delivering those unmanned vehicles as on the surface, these systems are being provided to the Philippine Navy for its use. However, the key aspects of operation and control may still remain in American hands, Song Zhongping, a military affairs expert, told the Global Times on Tuesday. 

"While the equipment is deployed at Philippine military bases and operated on a day-to-day basis by Philippine personnel, data collection and remote-control functions are likely to be managed by the US through satellite communications," Song said. 

This would allow the US Navy to obtain real-time maritime environmental data gathered by the systems, potentially supporting navigation analysis, operational planning and other military purposes, Song added. 

When asked about the joint military exercise between the US and Philippines that included about 10,000 US services members and also included Japanese forces, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun said at a press conference on April 20 that what the Asia-Pacific needs most is peace and tranquility, and the last thing the region needs is division and confrontation as a result of the introduction of external forces. 

No military and security cooperation should be conducted at the expense of mutual understanding and trust as well as peace and stability in the region, Guo said. 

According to available information, two Japanese nationals were detained by the competent Chinese authorities in accordance with the law for violating Chinese laws, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Guo Jiakun said on Wednesday in response to a media inquiry regarding that in late May, two Japanese male employees of a major Japanese electrical machinery company in Dalian, Liaoning Province, China, were detained by Chinese authorities and whether this is related to China's tightening of export controls on rare earth-related items.

Guo said that the Chinese side has informed the Japanese side of the relevant details of the case. "I would like to emphasize that Japan should educate and remind its citizens and companies in China to abide by Chinese laws and regulations," said Guo.

A reporter followed up by asking whether China could provide specific details regarding the detention of the two Japanese male employees in Dalian. Guo said that "for further information, I suggest referring your question to the competent Chinese authorities."

China and South Korea are working together to make the Yellow Sea's fishery "pie" bigger, turning shared conservation efforts into a growing source of ecological and economic benefits for fishing communities on both sides. A total of 330,000 greenfin horse-faced filefish juveniles were released on Tuesday morning in Yantai, East China's Shandong Province, at the city's landmark Tianma Trestles, as part of an annual joint stock enhancement and release event between China and neighboring South Korea. 

The event aims to conserve fishery resources and protect the ecological environment of the Yellow Sea — a traditional fishing ground and shared marine ecosystem that has sustained Chinese and South Korean fishing communities for generations — while promoting the recovery and sustainable use of fishery resources.

Tuesday's event marked the seventh edition of the China-South Korea Joint Stock Enhancement and Release of Fishery Resources which has become an annual routine for both countries since the 2018 launch year, except during the years affected by the COVID-19 pandemic.

The South Korean side, hosting this year's ceremony, released 4.29 million aquatic fry and juveniles with key commercial value, including small yellow croaker, red seabream and swimming crab, into the Yellow Sea from Incheon. The Chinese side held a simultaneous release in Yantai, Shandong Province, releasing 3 million aquatic juveniles with key commercial value, including greenfin horse-faced filefish, swimming crab and blackhead seabream, the Global Times learned from the event's main organizer, the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs, on Tuesday.

Cui Gang, a veteran fisherman and boat owner with more than 25 years of fishing experience, has spent over a decade operating in the jointly managed marine area in the Yellow Sea between China and South Korea.

Speaking to the Global Times ahead of the stock enhancement and release event, Cui repeatedly praised the two countries' joint stock enhancement efforts, saying that, from his own experience, the program has helped increase his annual income by about 20 to 30 percent.

Since the signing of the Fishery Agreement between two sides in 2000, the two governments have cooperated through the Joint Committee on Fisheries in multiple areas including fishing access arrangements, fishery resource survey, and fisheries law enforcement, achieving fruitful results, according to the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs.

After the release events, commercially valuable aquatic species have grown larger in size. For example, greenfin horse-faced filefish and red seabream have also become more commonly caught and larger in size, meaning better market price and profit for our fishermen, Cui explained. 

According to the Yellow Sea Fisheries Research Institute, Chinese Academy of Fishery Sciences (YSFRI), the core goal of the joint stock enhancement and release program is to promote the conservation and sustainable use of fishery resources while protecting the ecological environment of the Yellow Sea. 

Ma Zhuojun, secretary of the institute Party committee and the institute's deputy director, told the Global Times that the species selected for release are migratory species with high commercial value and shared with both nations, such as small yellow croaker, blackhead seabream, greenfin horse-faced filefish, red seabream and swimming crab, while highlighting that these releases help replenish fishery resources and benifit fishermen in both countreis.

Institute experts also explained that China and South Korea communicate through mechanisms such as the China-South Korea Joint Committee on Fisheries on the species, quantity, timing and location of fish releases, as well as follow-up assessments of their effectiveness. Experts from both sides explain fishery resource survey results, the ecological characteristics of different species and the needs of release-effect evaluations before consulting with each other to formulate plans that are relatively scientific and operationally feasible.

Such cooperation, however, also requires continuous coordination, they noted. "It is only natural that the two sides sometimes differ in terms of the priority species, size standards for released fry and juveniles and methods used to assess release effects. These differences are gradually coordinated through expert group meetings, data exchanges, technical discussions and joint surveys." 

One example is the release of swimming crabs, which has received close attention from both sides in recent years, especially in terms of how its effects should be evaluated. Exchanges on molecular marker technology for assessing the effects of swimming crab releases are aimed at using more scientific methods to determine the contribution of released stock and continuously improve release plans.

South Korea saw a notable increase in swimming crab catch in its western waters (Yellow Sea) in the autumn of 2025, while the relevant TAC (Total Allowable Catch) also remained at a relatively high level, which may indicate improved resource conditions and recovery potential, though long-term monitoring is still needed. Stock enhancement releases have played an important role in this process, according to the institute experts.

Wang Hongliang, head of the Yantai Marine and Fishery Supervision and Inspection Detachment, told the Global Times that for this year's China-South Korea joint release event, Yantai plans to release a total of 3 million aquatic juveniles, including greenfin horse-faced filefish, blackhead seabream and swimming crab.

Through the joint release event, Yantai hopes to achieve a combination of economic, ecological and social benefits, Wang noted. The event is expected to help increase marine fishery resources and bring tangible gains to fishermen in both countries, while also protecting marine biodiversity and maintaining the balance of the marine ecosystem. More broadly, it is also aimed at raising public awareness of ecological conservation and building a stronger consensus on protecting the sea.

Since 2018, China and South Korea have jointly held seven such events to date, releasing 18.75 million aquatic fry and juveniles, according to data provided by the Chinese Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Affairs. 

These efforts have made a positive contribution to conserving commercial fishery resources in the Yellow Sea, improving the marine ecological environment and increasing the income of fishermen in both countries, the ministry hailed in a release on Tuesday.

Qu Jiangbo, president of the Yantai Aquatic Biological Resources Conservation Association and legal representative of Tianyuan Aquaculture, told the Global Times that his company was responsible for maintaining and caring for the fry and juveniles released during this year's event and he has been actively participating in the joint release since its launch. 

"The fish we release can swim into South Korean side waters, while the fish released by South Korea can also come into waters on our side" Qu said. "That is why the two sides carry out joint releases at the same time to increase fishery resources and boost incomes for fishermen on both sides."